A short order from the United States Supreme Court on September 25 ended a three-week scramble over which congressional districts Missouri will use this fall. The ballots that election authorities already printed and mailed are the ballots that will count, and the separate question of whether the 2025 map ever becomes law now belongs to Missouri voters on November 3.
Where this stands as of September 26, 2026
The congressional map the General Assembly adopted in 2022 governs the November 3, 2026 general election. The 2025 map passed as House Bill 1 in the second extraordinary session has not taken effect and is not being used this fall.
Missouri voters will decide the 2025 map separately, as Proposition A on the same November 3 ballot. Voters who have already returned an absentee or mailed ballot do not need to take any action because of these rulings.
Missouri spent September moving between two congressional maps. The Supreme Court of Missouri held on September 3 that the map enacted in 2025 never took effect. A federal district court and then the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit concluded that federal law required the state to use it anyway. On September 25 the Supreme Court of the United States put the federal rulings on hold, and the practical question closed: Missourians will vote this fall in the districts they have voted in since 2022.
The sequence is worth walking through slowly, because the reason the 2022 map survived has less to do with anyone’s view of redistricting than with two narrow legal points. The first is a provision of the Missouri Constitution that suspends a referred statute until voters approve it. The second is a federal rule of restraint that discourages courts from changing election rules after voting has started. Both points reach well beyond maps and ballots, and the second half of this article takes up what they mean for anyone who plans around a newly enacted Missouri law.
What the Supreme Court did on September 25
The order came in People Not Politicians v. Onder, No. 26A388. The Court granted an application for a stay and put on hold the Eighth Circuit’s September 21 mandate and September 22 order, along with the district court’s injunctions of September 21 and 22. The order was issued for the Court as a whole and carries no noted dissent.
The Court’s stated reason was timing rather than the merits. It observed that the 2026 election was not simply approaching but already underway, that ballots printed under the 2022 map had gone out, that absentee and military voting had begun, and that an association of county clerks and local election authorities had told the Court that reverting to the 2025 map at that point was, in their words, practically impossible. Against that record the Court wrote that “the election is not merely upcoming; it has already started,” and concluded that the Eighth Circuit’s application of the governing timing principle was incorrect.
That principle comes from Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1 (2006), which counsels that lower federal courts should not alter a state’s election rules on the eve of an election. The Eighth Circuit had reasoned that Purcell did not bar relief because the disruption came from the Missouri Supreme Court’s own September 3 decision rather than from a federal court. The Supreme Court described that as casting blame on the state court and rejected it, resting instead on the fact that ballots were already in voters’ hands.
Importantly, the Court did not resolve the underlying federal question. Congressman Robert Onder had argued that Article I of the United States Constitution obliges Missouri to use the 2025 map in the general election because that map was used in the August primary. The Court noted that its precedents have not previously so held, and said that because the equities heavily favored staying what it called a late-breaking intervention, it was enough that “the merits are not entirely clearcut.” The federal argument therefore remains open for a future case. Nothing in the order approves or disapproves of the 2025 map as a matter of policy.
How Missouri law produced the conflict
The state-law half of the story turns on three provisions of the Missouri Constitution, and they are short enough to read directly.
The three provisions that decided it
Article III, Section 49. The people “reserve power to approve or reject by referendum any act of the general assembly, except as hereinafter provided.” That is the source of the referendum power, and its reach is broad.
Article III, Section 52(a). This section carves out the exceptions, chiefly laws necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace, health or safety and certain appropriation measures. It also sets the signature threshold and the ninety-day filing deadline.
Article III, Section 52(b). “Any measure referred to the people shall take effect when approved by a majority of the votes cast thereon, and not otherwise.” The closing words do the work. A referred act does not sit in force pending the vote; it waits.
Applying those provisions, the Supreme Court of Missouri decided von Glahn v. Hoskins, No. SC101805, on September 3, 2026. Judge Ginger K. Gooch wrote for a unanimous court. Because the plain language of Section 49 reaches “any act of the general assembly” and no exception in Section 52(a) applied, the court held the referendum petition against House Bill 1 was legal, sufficient and timely. The petition had been filed on December 9, 2025, two days before the bill’s December 11 effective date, so under Section 52(b) the bill takes effect only if voters approve it, and not otherwise. The court stated that the congressional districting the General Assembly established in 2022 remains in full force and effect for the November 2026 general election.
That is the whole of the state-law holding. It says nothing about whether the 2025 lines were fair or unfair. It says that a validly filed referendum petition suspended the statute, and that the previously enacted districting therefore stayed in place.
“The election is not merely upcoming; it has already started.”
Supreme Court of the United States, order in No. 26A388, September 25, 2026
What this means for a voter in the St. Louis area
For most readers the practical effect is simple. You will vote in the congressional district you have voted in since 2022. If an absentee or mailed ballot has already reached you, it is the correct ballot, and there is nothing to redo. If you have already returned it, your vote stands.
Two verification steps are still worth taking, because district boundaries are only one of several things that change between elections. The Missouri Secretary of State maintains a voter lookup that shows your registration status and the districts assigned to your address. Your local election authority is the office to call about polling locations, absentee deadlines and ballot status, and in this region that means the St. Louis County Board of Elections, the St. Louis City Board of Election Commissioners, or the county clerk in St. Charles, Jefferson or Franklin County.
Proposition A is the separate question on the same ballot. It asks voters whether to approve House Bill 1 from the 2025 second extraordinary session. A vote in favor would put the 2025 map into effect thirty days after the election, which is to say for future elections rather than this one. A vote against would leave the 2022 districting in place. The firm takes no position on how anyone should vote on Proposition A, and this article is not an argument for either outcome.
The wider point: an effective date is not always the effective date
Strip away the redistricting and what remains is a rule of general application that catches people out every year. In Missouri, a statute’s stated effective date is the ordinary answer, not the only one. A referendum petition filed against a bill before that date suspends it under Section 52(b), and the bill then waits for a statewide vote. Litigation can produce the same practical result through an injunction. Either way, a law that everyone has read about and planned around may not yet be law.
The consequences are concrete. A business that rewrites contracts, employee handbooks or pricing disclosures to match a new statute may be complying with a rule that is not yet in force, and may have given up a position it did not need to give up. A landlord or property owner relying on a new remedy or a shortened notice period may take a step a court will not honor. A person weighing exposure under a revised criminal or traffic statute needs to know which version of the penalty applies to conduct on a particular date, since that turns on when the statute took effect rather than when it passed. A party to pending litigation relying on a procedural change faces the same question.
None of that is exotic. It is simply a step that is easy to skip.
Three questions before relying on a new Missouri statute
1. What is the effective date, and where does it come from? Most bills take effect on August 28 of the year of passage. Emergency clauses, delayed dates and special session bills all depart from that, and a bill summary is not a substitute for the codified section.
2. Was a referendum petition filed against it? If a sufficient petition was filed before the effective date, Section 52(b) holds the act in suspense until a majority of votes cast approves it.
3. Is it enjoined, or on appeal? A statute can be on the books, unchallenged by referendum, and still unenforceable in whole or in part while a court order stands. Check the posture, not only the text.
These questions come up across the firm’s work. They arise in business law when a new compliance obligation changes how an agreement should be drafted, in real estate matters when a notice or remedy provision shifts, in criminal and traffic defense when the penalty attached to conduct depends on the date, and in civil rights work when the scope of a statutory right is itself the question. In each setting the reliable move is to read the codified section, confirm what took effect and when, and confirm nothing has suspended it.
For the election in front of Missouri voters, the answer is now settled. The 2022 map governs on November 3, the ballots already mailed are valid, and the fate of the 2025 map is a question voters will answer for themselves on the same day.
Helpful resources
The coverage below is drawn from several vantage points and labeled by ownership, so you can weigh each account and reach your own conclusion.
Order in No. 26A388, People Not Politicians v. Onder (Sept. 25, 2026) · Supreme Court of the United States, federal judiciary, primary source. The docket holds the parties’ filings.
von Glahn v. Hoskins, No. SC101805 (Sept. 3, 2026) · Supreme Court of Missouri, Missouri judiciary, primary source. A mirror is posted by Justia, a commercial legal publisher.
Missouri Constitution, article III, section 49 and section 52(a) and (b) · Missouri Revisor of Statutes, state agency, primary source.
Missouri Secretary of State, elections division · Missouri executive branch, primary source, for voter lookup, absentee rules and local election authority contacts.
SCOTUSblog case page · independent legal news site covering the Supreme Court, privately owned.
St. Louis Public Radio coverage of the September 25 order · NPR member station, listener and donor supported, nonprofit.
Missouri Independent coverage · nonprofit, donor-funded newsroom in the States Newsroom network; its house style calls the 2025 map gerrymandered, which is an editorial characterization rather than a court holding.
Ballotpedia, Missouri Congressional Map Referendum (2026) · nonprofit, nonpartisan encyclopedia of American politics, for the referendum’s procedural history.
Related on this site: HB 1 Never Took Effect: When a Missouri Law Actually Becomes Law · Missouri voted, can the legislature change what we vote for? · What Missouri’s Tax Amendment Actually Does · Missouri Is Sued Over Lincoln University’s Land-Grant Funding. The Unmatched Federal Dollars Already Went to Other States.
Planning around a new Missouri law?
Before you change a contract, a notice, or a filing because a statute changed, it is worth confirming that the statute is actually in force and that nothing has suspended it.
Or call (314) 732-1547
This article is educational only and is not legal or tax advice. Reading it does not create an attorney-client relationship with Haake Law Group PC or Derek R. Haake. Statutes, constitutional provisions, court rulings and election procedures change, and their application depends on the specific facts of a situation. Verify any deadline or requirement with the relevant court, agency or election authority, and consult a licensed attorney before acting.
